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A PAPER FROM THE URBAN IMPERATIVE [About the book] [Table of contents online] [Buy the print version]
A conservation agency creates inner-city "natural parks" in Los Angeles
TED TRZYNA
The author is President, California Institute of Public Affairs, and Task Force Leader, Cities and Protected Areas, IUCN World Commission on Protected Areas. [BIOGRAPHIC INFORMATION] Citation: This paper may be cited as: [Author.] 2005. [Article title.] In Ted Trzyna, ed., The Urban Imperative. California Institute of Public Affairs, Sacramento, California. 1. CONTEXT: A PARK-RICH REGION, A PARK-POOR INNER CITY Famously a product of the automobile age and relentless growth, greater Los Angeles covers 7,500 square kilometers along the California coast (Census 2002) and reaches ever further into surrounding mountains and desert. The population in this area has grown from 250,000 in 1900 to over 16 million today, and is projected to reach 22.9 million by 2030 (SCAG 2005). The Los Angeles region has a complex array of jurisdictions responsible for protected areas and conventional urban parks. The major protected area actors are national and California state government agencies. Local parks are the responsibility of several counties, over 150 municipalities, and in some cases autonomous park districts. NGOs help acquire natural areas and in a few instances own and/or manage them. (For background on urban protected areas in California, see Trzyna 2001.) Greater Los Angeles is framed by extensive protected areas: along the ocean by state and local beaches and coastal parks; in the interior by mountainous national forests and a desert national park. In addition, many suburban jurisdictions have impressive park systems, some of which include natural areas. However, the City of Los Angeles, which forms the urban core of the region and has a population of 3.7 million, is relatively poor in both conventional and natural parks. Recently elected Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa made this an issue in his election campaign: "Los Angeles has . . . the least accessible park system of any major city in America. Only 30 percent of Angelenos live within a quarter mile [0.4 km] of a park, compared with between 80 percent and 90 percent in Boston and New York. Here in Los Angeles more than 700,000 children do not live within walking distance of a park (Villaraigosa 2005)."So-called "inner-city" neighborhoods suffer the most. (The term "inner city" is used in the United States to describe older, deteriorated residential areas of the central city that have high unemployment and crime rates, low levels of education, and crowded housing.) With few exceptions, the story of parks and natural areas in Los Angeles is a story of lost opportunities. The most striking example of a lost opportunity has to do with creeks and rivers. Los Angeles sits on a wide coastal plain crossed by a network of streams that flow from the mountains to the sea. These watercourses would have been an ideal foundation for a system of parks including natural riparian habitat. In fact, this was one of the principal recommendations of a visionary regional park plan commissioned by a citizens’ committee and published in 1930. The recommendation was for "pleasureway" parks along major streams that would serve two purposes: outdoor recreation and percolation of storm water into the ground. Management of storm water was a critical element of this concept. Los Angeles has a Mediterranean-type climate with hot, dry summers and mild, rainy winters. Its streams have little water in summer but are subject to violent flooding in winter. The park plan was never pursued, apparently because powerful business leaders disliked the idea of comprehensive planning, as well as the prospect of more public spending (Hise and Deverell 2000, 38-48; 95-98). Instead, between the 1930s and 1970s virtually all the streams were confined in narrow concrete flood control channels. This made it possible to develop adjacent land – and now makes it very difficult to restore any semblance of the original riparian ecosystem. 2. THE SANTA MONICA MOUNTAINS CONSERVANCY Many organizations work to restore nature and create parks in the inner city of Los Angeles. The impetus for projects often comes from elected officials or NGOs. The city and county park departments have been active, as has California State Parks. However, one unusual organization, the Santa Monica Mountains Conservancy (SMMC), has had a special role. SMMC, a unit of the California state government, started operations in 1980. It was created within the context of the Santa Monica Mountains National Recreation Area (SMMNRA), established in 1978 to protect natural and cultural landscapes in a mountain range that runs 65 km east to west from the center of the City of Los Angeles to Point Mugu on the Pacific Ocean. The mountains divide the Los Angeles Basin from the San Fernando Valley and include expensive residential areas as well as relatively wild tracts rising to 950 meters. SMMC’s original mission was to acquire private lands for the SMMNRA in a fast-rising real estate market. (The SMMNRA now covers 62,000 hectares and is a cooperative effort of the U.S. National Park Service, California State Parks, and SMMC.) In the process, SMMC became highly skilled at acquiring land and making it accessible by negotiating with landowners, combining funding from different sources, and forming partnerships with other agencies and NGOs. Its mandate has gradually expanded. It has helped preserve over 22,200 hectares of parkland in both wilderness and urban settings, and improved 114 public recreational facilities throughout the region. It participates in several "joint powers authorities," agencies that combine the forces of two or more public entities to work toward specific purposes. One of these, the Mountains Recreation and Conservation Authority (MRCA), whose members are SMMC and two local park districts, manages over 20,000 hectares of parkland. Although SMMC is part of state government, it is also a partnership of different levels of government. Its board includes the superintendent of the SMMNRA and the supervisor of the Angeles National Forest, as well as members appointed by state and local officials and representatives of several state agencies. In many ways SMMC and MRCA are mainstream conservation agencies in the tradition of the U.S. National Park Service. They focus mainly on acquisition, restoration, stewardship, and interpretation of natural areas. Their uniformed rangers wear a version of the well-known flat-brimmed hat. But in other ways these agencies are unconventional, at least in the U.S. context. Both of them are set up as partnerships and do much of their work through alliances with other agencies and NGOs. They are small operations notable for a non-bureaucratic approach. They are able to respond quickly and imaginatively to new challenges and opportunities, as was the case with the "natural parks" initiative. 3. "NATURAL PARKS" IN THE INNER CITY In its earlier years, SMMC concentrated on acquiring and managing land in the Santa Monica Mountains, but also provided free outings to its mountain parks for inner-city school and neighborhood groups, and worked on revitalizing sections of rivers that flow through inner-city neighborhoods. In the mid-1990s, then-Los Angeles City Councilmember Rita Walters brought an idea to SMMC. Walters represented a council district that included low-income areas of South Los Angeles as well as downtown. Her South Los Angeles constituents could look up at the Santa Monica Mountains, but few of them ever went there. Large amounts of public money had gone into preserving those mountains; couldn’t SMMC do something for her people on the flatlands? Couldn’t it bring nature and beauty to their neighborhoods? In fact, SMMC’s leadership had long been bothered by the inaccessibility of nature to people living in the inner city. With Walters’ help, the agency soon identified a 3.5-hectare municipal site used to store discarded water pipes. The city leased the site to SMMC for a nominal fee, and contributed part of the funds needed to clean up the site and create and operate a new park. The Augustus F. Hawkins Natural Park, named in honor of the first African-American elected to the United States Congress from California, opened in December 2001. It is not quite like any other park in the region. First of all, the Natural Park is situated in a run-down neighborhood that has high levels of unemployment and crime. The few small parks that exist tend to be magnets for drug dealers and street gangs. Second, the park was designed in consultation with the people who live in the area, rather than imposed on them. Originally a middle-class African-American neighborhood, its population is now predominantly of Latin American origin and includes many recent immigrants from Central American countries. The park designers soon realized public involvement had to go well beyond the usual public meetings, because few people came to them. Door-to-door visits, another common method of soliciting opinions, were met with suspicion. What finally did work was setting up a table in the local supermarket where hundreds of people came up to talk to members of the planning team. It became clear that, although the neighbors definitely wanted a connection with nature, their first priority was a safe haven. The planning team agreed to build a strong steel fence around the park, and house a ranger onsite, as on other major SMMC properties (Sorvig 2002, 69-70). Third, the Natural Park is not a restoration, but rather a "reflection" of the natural ecosystems of the region. In many other places, creating a "natural park" would be seen as an opportunity to restore the original vegetation. In this case, however, the original landscape was an alluvial plain thinly covered with shrubs and grasses. At such a small scale, this plant life would be uninteresting. Instead, it was decided to recreate several plant communities found in the nearby mountains, including riparian forest, oak woodland, freshwater marsh, and chaparral (a dense growth of various species of evergreen, hard-leaved shrubs typical of much of California). But even though it is not a restoration, nature in some ways is taking its course. For example, because the plant species are native to the region, they have created habitat for native birds rarely seen in urban settings. Fourth, the park includes a large lawn with shade trees, "blending the groomed and the wild," as SMMC Chief Landscape Architect Stephanie Landregan (2005) puts it. This provides a "comfort zone" for urban people unaccustomed to nature. (The same technique has been used in several of SMMC’s portal parks at the wildland-urban interface in the mountains.) Other parks in Los Angeles can claim some of these attributes, but probably none can claim all. The Natural Park has a visitor center conforming to the high design standards SMMC applies to all its projects. The park sponsors free camping trips and day outings to mountain and beach parks. It has programs for visiting school groups on such subjects as mammals, water, and Native American cultures. It sponsors after-school and youth leadership programs. It is a popular place for family picnics, especially on Sunday afternoons. In the quiet morning hours throughout the week it is common to see elderly couples walking hand-in-hand and young mothers pushing baby-strollers. The park has become the centerpiece of the neighborhood and local residents are highly protective of it. Perhaps the best indicator of this is that the Natural Park is one of the few projects of any kind in South Los Angeles that has not been vandalized. In the larger Southern California community the park is now widely viewed as a great success, although Landregan, who shepherded the project, notes that initially "there were lots of naysayers who said ‘why are you giving that to those people?’ (Sorvig 2002, 66)." (Operations of the park were transferred to the City of Los Angeles in March 2005.) Among its strategic objectives, SMMC now lists: "Expand efforts to integrate nature into the urban environment." Among other things, this includes: "Acquire or create parkland in urban areas that lack open space or acquire natural parks"; and "Link and integrate new natural parks into existing park systems – literally via transportation and physical linkages, thematically via programs and events." There are plans to replicate the Hawkins Natural Park elsewhere in the inner city of Los Angeles. The most innovative of these plans is for a 4-hectare natural park on the grounds of a new secondary school. The school will be divided into several specialized "academies," and there is a proposal to make one of these a "Conservancy Academy" devoted to education in natural resource management. When SMMC Executive Director Joseph T. Edmiston described the Natural Park in The Urban Imperative workshop at the World Parks Congress, several participants questioned the wisdom of a protected area agency creating "simulations" of nature in cities. Others wondered where to draw the line in serving disadvantaged populations. "We can’t become social service agencies," one park manager said. Edmiston responded: "Even if you can’t restore the ecosystem, you can restore the aesthetics. Environmentalists often write off urban ecosystems, but you can’t write off people." 5. CONCLUSIONS The Santa Monica Mountains Conservancy has done two things unusual for a mainstream protected area agency: (1) It has successfully intervened in the inner city. With local residents actively involved, it has created a place of beauty and safety, an anchor to the land for people who have had little connection to it. (2) It has not been restrained by conventional ideas about the role of protected area agencies in promoting nature. It responded to a special situation with a special solution: "natural parks." An obvious question is: Can’t this sort of work be done just as well by local park agencies? The answer, at least from California’s experience, is: Not in most cases. Although there are exceptions, local park agencies’ priorities and expertise have to do with conventional city parks: lawns, shade trees, swimming pools, fields for team sports, and children’s playgrounds. However, there could be synergy in both kinds of agencies working in tandem to create and manage inner-city oases. Most likely this is already happening somewhere in the world. In any case, it is an idea worth exploring. This paper is based mainly on numerous discussions with board members and staff of SMMC, MRCA, and partner organizations, as well as site visits, between 2000 and 2005. Detailed information on the agencies mentioned is posted on their Web sites: • Santa Monica Mountains Conservancy: www.smmc.ca.gov • Mountains Recreation and Conservation Authority: http://www.mrca.ca.gov • Santa Monica Mountains National Recreation Area: www.nps.gov/samo • California State Parks: www.parks.ca.gov • Los Angeles Department of Recreation and Parks: http://www.laparks.org 6. REFERENCES Census. 2002. "Census 2000 Urbanized Area and Urban Cluster Information." U.S. Census Bureau, http:// www.census.gov. Hise, Greg, and William Deverell. 2000. Eden by Design: The 1930 Olmsted-Bartholomew Plan for the Los Angeles Region. University of California Press, Berkeley. Landregan, Stephanie. 2005. Personal communication. SCAG. 2005. "Forecasting and Policy Analysis." Southern California Association of Governments, http://www.scag.ca.gov. Sorvig, Kim. 2002. The wilds of South Central. Landscape Architecture 92 (4): 66-75. Trzyna, Ted. 2001. California’s urban protected areas: Progress despite daunting pressures. Parks 11 (3): 4-15. Posted at http://www.InterEnvironment.org/cipa/urban.htm. Villaraigosa, Antonio. 2005. "Plan for a City of Parks and Greenways." http://www.antonio2005.com.
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